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Big government is not simply the size of the budget, or the number of federal programs; it is the role the federal government plays in our daily lives.

We at the Lincoln Heritage Institute will not sit idly by and allow bloated bureaucracies, budensome tax policies, a failing public education system, and out of control regulatory system, and a growing disregard for the rule of law to become an accepted way of life.

We have as our purpose, through public education, the revitalization and preservation of our traditional political, social, commercial, and legal environment in which the only limits to achievement are individual ability and effort.

 

 

After 100 Hours, Prospects Look Bleak

by Donald Lambro, The Washington Times

There’s been a lot of speculation about what is going to happen when Democrats take control of Congress this month, but the likely answer may well be “not much.”

Yes, we will have a divided government again; but for those of us who believe in our constitutional system of checks and balances against an all-powerful central government, that is not a bad thing. The Democrats will no doubt be conducting a string of politically motivated investigations into the Bush administration.…

(N)o one expects the administration or the Republicans to lie down and be rolled by a bunch of Democratic committee chairmen. They know how to fight back, and no doubt will do so with gusto.

As for a massive change in programs and policies, an overhaul of the insanely complex tax code, Social Security reform, or fixing whatever your issue may be – don’t hold your breath.…

House-passed legislation goes over to the Senate, known in some disgruntled circles on Capitol Hill as “the black hole,” or “the roach motel,” where numerous bills go in but few come out.

The Senate’s rules, dominated by unanimous-consent agreements, are far different from the House. One senator can put a hold on a bill for just about any reason or block a measure from a vote for an almost indefinite period. Even on those bills that may make it to the floor, one senator or a handful of senators can demand that the majority, if there is one, must come up with a supermajority of 60 votes to end a filibuster and proceed to full and formal consideration.

Even if you succeed in passing the Senate version, the obstacles don’t end there. It must be sent to a House-Senate conference where a group of appointed lawmakers negotiate to iron out differences. Often, as was the case with last year’s competing illegal immigration bills, one chamber (in this case, the House) can refuse to go to conference, dooming any further action. Many, if not most, bills coming out of conferences are voted on, but they can run into the same obstacles they had to clear in the first go-round. All of these legislative, procedural and parliamentary hurdles are hard enough to overcome. In a narrowly divided, deeply polarized House and Senate, as the 110th Democratic Congress will be, compromises will be doubly difficult to achieve.

The ball is now in the Democrats’ court to prove they can govern, but the partisan signals coming out of Nancy Pelosi’s war room suggest that little, if anything, is likely to get done.


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